This study focuses on al-Taftāzānī’s discussion of the ontological status of divine attributes in his _Sharḥ al-ʿAqāid_ and aims to demonstrate that al-Rāzī’s (d. 606/1210) reluctantly and ambiguously proposed formula that divine attributes are possible by themselves and necessary by God, which itself is an adaptation of Avicennian formula about the ontological status of the divine intellects, received much more recognition after a more sophisticated and advanced version of it was introduced to Sunnī _kalām_ tradition by al-Taftāzānī (d. 792/1390). His (...) improvements generated a considerable amount of intellectual interest within the subsequent commentary and super-commentary tradition and were then refined by the later commentators, a crucial development which has been almost entirely neglected in the modern scholarship. This study further argues that the orientation of post-classical _kalām_ extends to the point where it embraces a specific formula promoted by the _Falāsifa_ to refine Sunnī theory about the ontological status of the divine attributes. Consequently, Sunnī theology deliberately adapted a previously rejected theory to one of its most exclusive and core subjects, that is the discussion of the divine attributes. This study will also show that dramatic transformations in the approach and the structure indicate that Sunnī _kalām_, especially in _Sharḥ al-ʿAqāid_ commentaries and super-commentaries, was significantly influenced by philosophical theories and was required to adopt both the vocabulary and the framework fashioned in philosophical debates on a greater scale after its first transformation due to al-Rāzī’s influence. Because of the voluminous commentaries and super-commentaries on _Sharḥ al-ʿAqāid_ and their extended coverage of a variety of subjects, the current study limits itself to al-Taftāzānī’s _Sharḥ al-ʿAqāid_ and its super-commentaries by Musa Khayālī (d. 862/1457) and Ramazan Efendi al-Ḥanafī (d. 1025/1616?). (shrink)

“Dil politik bir zorunluluk olmanın yanı sıra, iletişim boyutunda bir oluş biçimi olarak estetik bir tutum da varlığa getirir. Bir şeye, dışarıda duran bir şeye gönderme yapma, gönderenin o şeyle olan tutum alışını gösterir. Ağaç ormanda bir anlama bürünürken, bir park alanında ya da yol kenarında başka bir anlama bürünür. Ağaç her zaman bir ağaç değildir; çünkü o ağaç olmaklığını benden bağımsız olarak almış olmasına rağmen, orada bir varlık olarak benim ifade etme biçimime bağlı olarak farklı anlamlara açıktır. Yine de (...) benim olan ağaç ile benim varlığıma gereksinim duymayan aynı ağaç, benim ağaç dediğim şeyle aynı değildir. “ağaç hakkında konuşuyorum,” bir betimleme sunmaz, dahası olmayan ağaç üzerinden bir ağaç var eder. Bu bir anlamada “o bir balık değil, balık resmidir,” türü bir yargıya doğru ilerler.” Bu örnek aslında felsefenin dilsel bir etkinlik olan nitel ya da nicel belirleniminin bize sunduğu ontolojiden bağımsız bir düşünüm olamayacağını açıklar mahiyettedir. (shrink)

Düşünce tarihinin neredeyse her döneminde insanı ahlaki bir faile dönüştürebilmek amacıyla çeşitli kuramlar geliştirilmiştir. Bu kuramlarda genel olarak insanın ahlaki bir ilkeyi kendi eylemsellik alanına tatbik etmesi için gerekli olan şeyin ve erdemli davranışlarla erişilmesi hedeflenen mutluluğun ne olduğu üzerine bir düşünme faaliyeti gerçekleşir. Geliştirilen yanıtlar arasında şüphesiz çok seçkin bir yere sahip olan kuram, Kant’a aittir. Kant’a göre doğa alanında eğilim ve isteklere bağlı davranışlarla amaç olarak mutluluğa ulaşmak, insanı ahlaklı kılmaz. Bu bakımdan, insanı mutlu kılan şeyin değil, onu (...) iyi yapan, bir ahlaki faile dönüştürmenin olanağını soruşturur. En yüksek iyiyi gerçekleştirmeyi, eğilim ve isteklere bağlı bir amaç olarak belirlenen çeşitli türden mutluluklara ulaşma çabasıyla eşitleyen tüm anlayışlar karşısında Kant, en yüksek iyiyi gerçekleştirmenin ilk koşulunu ahlaklılık, ikinci koşulu olarak –birinci koşul sağlandığı takdirde- ortaya çıkacağına inandığı mutluluk olarak belirler. Ona göre yalnızca ahlak yasasıyla belirlenen erdemli davranışların sonucunda gerçekleşeceği beklenen, aklın bir ideali olarak mutluluk insanı ahlaklı kılabilir. Nitekim özerk bir biçimde kendisi için koyduğu yasayla, akıl sahibi bir varlığını kişilik sahibi bir varlığa dönüştüren insan aynı zamanda ahlaki değer taşıyan davranışlarda bulunmanın sonucunda hep bir beklentisi olan bir varlıktır. İnsanın bu beklentisine yanıt, dinden gelir. Burada Kant, geliştirdiği ahlak öğretisinin mutluluk öğretisi olarak da adlandırılabilmesinin koşulunu ortaya koyar. Buna göre sırf akıl talep ettiği için insana ödevler yükleyen yasa zemininde temellenen en yüksek iyiyi gerçekleştirme isteğiyle, aklın yasa koyuculuğu altında yaşadığımız için içimizde doğan iyiyi gerçekleştirme arzusuyla dine yönelindiğinde ancak ahlak öğretisi bir mutluluk öğretisi olabilir. Bir başka deyişle, yalnızca ahlaklılık temelinde tesis edilen bir dinsellikle mutluluk ahlaki kılınabilir. Bu yazıda mutluluğun nasıl ahlaki kılınabildiği ya da mutluluğa layık olabilmek için ne yapılması gerektiği konusu irdelenip, en yüksek iyiye yönelen insana yüklenilen ödevlerin tanrısal buyruklar olarak benimsenmesiyle mutluluktan pay alma umudunu doğuran ahlak temelli din anlayışına dikkat çekilmektedir. (shrink)

‘Abdallāh al-Baṭṭāl is an important commander who undertook important duties in the Islamic conquests of the Umayyads (41-132/661-750). It is understood that he achieved remarkable success in these missions against the Byzantine (Eastern Roman) Empire, and this success led to him being mentioned as a hero in the chronicles. Aside from his historical personality, the fact that he is narrated based on the heroic tale is a critical component that strengthens the significance of the research subject. This article analyzes the (...) process by which the historical existence of 'Abdullāh al-Battāl, who planned an expedition to Anatolia (Bilād al-Rūm), was transformed into a heroic story and the basic elements that supported it. In this perspective, the focus is on Baṭṭāl’s life, which is the subject of historical information, and then on how he appears in the texts by transforming into myth and narrative. This study, which was carried out within the framework of the first period of Islamic history sources, Ibn Aʿt̲h̲am’s (d. 320/932) “Kitāb al-futūḥ” and Ibn ‘Asākir’s (d. 571/1176) “Tarīkh madīnat Dimashq” works are discussed through the narrative elements. It is worth noting that both authors presented Baṭṭāl as a hero outside of his historical personality, allowing for the construction of a new history. The political context of the time, sectarian identities, and the deciding roles of the relationship they built with authority in the authors' portrayals of Baṭṭāl will be addressed in this article. Examining the process of transforming a historical personality into a myth by removing the aforementioned actuality is significant in terms of the abilities of the chronicler authors in the writings they made during their lives. In this framework, the article focuses on Battal’s life, campaigns, and participation in jihad activities, followed by his transition into a story by becoming a hero. (shrink)

During the Mamlūk period (648-923/1250-1517), some developments such as the support of the state dignitaries for scholarly activities, the interest of the ʿulamā to the Mamlūk geography and the establishment of many scientific institutions increased the interest in scholarly activities in society. In this period of intensive scholarly activities, women also started to increasingly take part in this field, and as a result, many female scholars were trained. The fact that women scholars were encountered among the teachers of the famous (...) scientists of the period is a clear proof of this situation. As a matter of fact, the teachers of Najm al-Dīn Ibn Fahd, one of the famous muḥaddiths and historians of the 9th (15th) century, set an obvious example for this. Sixty-seven of his four hundred ninety-seven teachers were women. Najm al-Dīn Ibn Fahd, a member of a prominent ʿulamā family of Mecca, traveled to different cities in the Mamlūk geography and took lessons from many teachers, men and women. What is more valuable for our subject is that he wrote a work called Mu’jam al-shuyūkh, which contains extremely important information about his teachers. This article tries to assess women's participation in scholarly activities and social positions in Mamlūk society, based on his female teachers. This work, made up of two parts, first deals with women’s opportunities to pursue academic studies and their subsequent contributions to science. The second part is about their position in social life which stemmed from the families they belonged to and from their marriages. In this article, in which sixty-seven female scholars of Najm al-Dīn Ibn Fahd are discussed, some important results have been reached. This look into his sixty-seven female teachers shows how widespread women’s relationships with scholarly circles were in Mamlūk society, and that especially girls of families with scholarly traditions were included in academic circles from a young age. These girls were able to get their initial education from close relatives and then they were able to connect to academic circles easily via family relationships, taking courses with many scholars including women. Women have been instrumental in the transfer of knowledge more so than its production. Their efforts both during their studies and as scholars were focused on ḥadīth transmission. It is difficult to pinpoint the exact reason why ḥadīth sciences were the focus, but one can say that the ubiquity of ḥadīth sessions and their ease of accessibility must have been a factor. It is seen that young girls who participated in these sessions were encouraged to study with older scholars, thereby acquiring a strong isnād chain and becoming a source of information in later years for the transmission of knowledge. However, it is hard to say that every woman who got some education took a role in knowledge transmission. One can even claim, based on Najm al-Dīn Ibn Fahd’s female teachers, that a lot of women in academic circles did not take a role in knowledge transmission as scholars, despite their potential. The fact that no official institutions are mentioned with regard to women’s acquisition and transfer of knowledge may be indicative of the importance of teacher-student relationships rather than institutions, or, it can be that women were more active outside of these official institutions. Also, the fact that most of Najm al-Dīn Ibn Fahd’s female teachers were all taught by several common teachers shows the liveliness of academic activity outside of official institutions. There is very little narration regarding the social lives of women who were engaged in scholarly activities. Among the most important reasons why this is so is the desire to put their scholarly competencies to the forefront. However, it is possible to get some information about their families and marriages for many of them. One can see that Najm al-Dīn Ibn Fahd’s female teachers generally married men who were also engaged in scholarship. The fact that women, especially those in the scholarly class, married from among their relatives must have been related to this. All of the married women except one have at least one child. While divorce is not too common, marrying again as a result of the death of a husband or as a result of divorce is not rare. (shrink)

In this study, we aimed to investigate how prospective science teachers, who participated in a series of explicit-reflective activities for NOS teaching, understood "science in a social and cultural context" in the context of a biographical documentary film. We adopted a phenomenological approach. The data were analyzed descriptively by considering the aspects of nature of science and the levels of understanding as defined in Dilthey's hermeneutic approach. In this way, we determined participants’ levels of hermeneutic understanding regarding the nature of (...) science. The findings show that the participants regarded science within the framework of aspects of the consensus view blended with somewhat authentic interpretations and at a basic level of understanding from the point of view of hermeneutics. This finding highlights the importance of integrating the hermeneutic approach into the teaching process in understanding science. (shrink)

In addition to the sawms that are ordered and recommended in Islam, there are also sawms that are prohibited or not welcomed in certain times and situations. Sawm on the thirtieth day (yawm al-shakk) of the month of Shaʿbān, when the month of Ramaḍān cannot be decreed to have started, is one of them. The Prophet mentioned that Allah allocated the hilāls for people to arrange the times and in principle, he wanted to start fasting with the sighting of the (...) moon, and to calculate the amount of the month in case of cloudy weather in order to avoid any doubt. Despite this, different narrations have emerged in the ḥadīth literature about fasting on the yawm al-shakk and this situation has even been reflected in the sectarian jurisprudence. As a result, three basic views and practices emerged during the time of ṣaḥabah, tābiʿūn and tebeʿu’t-tābiʿīn that considered it makruh to fast except for the usual fast that coincided with the day in question, that fasting could be kept, and that the decision of the administration should be taken into account in order to prevent possible conflicts. In this article, the riwāyahs about fasting in the yawm al-shakk pertaining to the Prophet, the ṣaḥābah, tābiʿīn and the later period are discussed and analyzed with their practical aspects, and finally, the views of the sect imams are also included. (shrink)

Despite the growing significance of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in corporate public relations (PR) strategies, there has been a paucity of comprehensive reviews of the extant CSR literature within the PR discipline. The aim of this study is to investigate the relationship between the concept of CSR and the discipline of PR through a hybrid concept-discipline-focused review. We employed latent dirichlet allocation (LDA) via topic modeling as a novel approach for intellectual structure analysis. The dataset for this review comprised 246 (...) peer-reviewed articles on CSR published between 1975 and 2022. Based on the LDA results, five topics were identified and discussed: the political CSR stream, social media-oriented CSR, consumer-oriented CSR, CSR reporting, and business-oriented CSR. Additionally, implications for both academic and practical applications were drawn, along with recommendations for future research. This study is pioneering in its contribution to the literature and practice of CSR-related PR research, offering insights into the intellectual structures and trends within this field. (shrink)

The principle of majority, which is an indispensable tool of election and decision-making in today's democracies, is one of the main indicators of its legitimacy, as well as having a superior position in the establishment and maintenance of political power. The aim of this research is to determine the relationship of the condition of “the caliph’s Quraysh” with this principle by revealing the analysis of the Islamic scholars on the importance of the majority principle in terms of establishing political power (...) and using the authority to order and prohibit. In the grounding of this aim, firstly, the dominant role of the majority in determining the political power was emphasized and the organic relationship between them was tried to be revealed, and the nature of the support provided by the majority to the administration in the use of political power authority and its effect on the possession of the means of coercion that sustain the state apparatus were examined in the light of the views of Fiqh and Kalam scholars. Then, the condition that the caliph should be from the Quraysh lineage, which has been the subject of debate since the 9th century, when the influence of non-Arab elements on the political administration became evident, was examined within the framework of the majority principle, and the evaluations of Islamic scholars about the widespread rumor that formed the basis of this were briefly examined. At the end of the study, it was concluded that Islamic scholars adopted the principle of “majority” in the establishment and maintenance of political power, and that they accepted the requirement that the caliph be Quraysh as a qualification condition, and that the narration, which is the basis of this, shows a historical and socio-political reality brought about by the conditions that emerged in a certain time period. (shrink)

Dag Nikolaus Hasse & Amos Bertolacci (eds.). The Arabic, Hebrew and Latin Reception of Avicenna’s Metaphysics. Scientia Graeco-Arabica, Bd 7. Berlin; Boston: De Gruyter, 2012. viii + 398 sayfa. ISBN 9783110215755.

Ḥadīths have been preserved and recorded in various ways since the Companions. These activities continued dur-ing the Tābiīn (the successors of the Companions) Period. So much so that these methods have formed the infra-structure of other methods that will emerge later. In this context, before the 70's (A.H.), works named al-Aṭrāf appeared. However, these first works consisted of the notes that they wrote some of the ḥadīths before coming to the science assemblies to help students remember in ḥadīth learning. Ḥadīth (...) scholars have adopted and applied this method in a very short time. Thus, this method also provided the opportunity for the formation of the first written ḥadīth documents. In addition, with the writing of ḥadīth works, it has turned into a system of al-Taṣnīf and al-Takhrīj in order to make maximum use of these books and to reach the source of a narration that is tried to be found. As a result, al-Aṭrāf literature, which can be evaluated as index, has emerged. As a matter of fact, the first examples of this literature, arranged alphabetically according to the names of the Companions or ḥadīth texts, started to be given since the 4th (A.H.) century. In this way, the way to quickly benefit from the accumulation of the ḥadīth area has been opened. This article focuses on the historical adventure of al-Aṭrāf and their contributions to the ḥadīth field, as well as literature knowledge of the works of al-Aṭrāf which are of great importance for both al-Kitābah, al-Taṣnīf and al-Takhrīj.Summary: In order to understand and practice the religion of Islām, great efforts have been made both in the past and later periods in order to convey the words, verbs, interpretations and qualifications of the Prophet to the next genera-tions as they are protected from all kinds of falsification and changes. This process, which started with memoriza-tion and partly writing at the beginning, has gained momentum with the use of other methods since the period of Tābiīn. In this context, the method of aṭrāf was started to be used to facilitate memorization, to be a reminder, and to transmit the ḥadīth through the hearing of the ḥadīth sheikh. The first examples of this method were seen by Muḥammad b. Sīrīn during his participation of his teacher Abīde/Ubayda Salmān in the scholarly assembly. At this stage, the relevant method was manifested as writing a passage from the beginning of the ḥadīth. Thus, the aforementioned method, which had great contributions in recording and memorizing ḥadīths in accordance with the original, has gained widespreadness and application among the ḥadīth scholars like Ubeydullaḥ b. Omar, Shu’bah b. al-Ḥajjāj, Sufyān as-Sawrī, Mālik b. Anas, Ismāīl b. Ayyāş and Vakī b. Jarrāḥ in a very short time. In this context, Yazīd b. Zuray’ stated that he went to his teacher without his aṭrāf work of ḥadīths which he transmitted from Shu’bah and listened to ḥadīth in this way. Therefore, this mentioned event is important in terms of putting forth that Shu’bah allowed the aṭrāf method in his assemblies. The method was used by Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, who traveled to Madīnah to convey the reports recorded with the mentioned method of his teacher Abū Alḳama al-Farawī and at the same time listen to the related transfers from him, but who could not reach his goal. Therefore, the related narrations show that aṭrāf method was used effectively by ḥadīth scholars to remember the ḥadīths in the 1st and 2nd centuries, so sections from the narrations were written during the preparatory stage before coming to the scholarly assembly. Ultimately, the importance of these works, which manifest in different ways and offer great contributions to writing, is an undeniable reality for the history of ḥadīth.Aṭrāf, the plural form of taraf that literally means the side and edge of something, mean a section, phrase or first part that indicates the whole of the ḥadīth. This method, along with the formation of ḥadīth literature, has been started to be given as a name to the works organized alphabetically according to the name of the Companions or ḥadīth texts by mentioning some of the ḥadīths with the 4th century. In this sense, aṭrāf has started to become a unique literature in a sort of taṣnīf and takhrīj method in order to make use of the ḥadīth writing easier.Aṭrāf studies may aim to bring together the isnāḍs (chains of transmitters) in all books, or they can be limited to the chains in certain books. Aṭrāf books contain the ḥadīths in the Ṣaḥīḥān or Kutub al-Sittah and are written in alphabetical form based on the name of the companions or according to the texts of ḥadīth. The first of these, which has the attribute of the musnad in a sense, is arranged in alphabetical order according to the name of the Companion, and if there are many people who narrate from him, according to the names of the tābiīn and taba-i tābiīn (successors of the tābiīn). Accordingly, the narrations of each companion were determined and listed in al-phabetical order in aṭrāfs in musnad-type, and a passage was written from the ḥadīths and marked as books/chapters in the places of relevant narration. On the other hand, the second type of aṭrāf books were ar-ranged by giving a few words from a section that allows remembering the head or all of the ḥadīths without in-cluding chains, and then placing these texts in alphabetical order.The type of aṭrāf offers the opportunity to see different chains of narrations together and provides many facilities for the ḥadīth researchers. Therefore, ḥadīth researchers show great interest in this genre. Aṭrāfs provide many benefits for both ḥadīth chain and text. In this respect, it is possible to talk about many advantages of the ḥadīth to its transmister such as the determination of mutawātīr, garīb, azīz, mashhūr, mutābī or the testimony of ḥadīth; to provide facility to make a reputation research of a riwāyah (narration), to provide an opportunity to determine the location of the narrations in the primary sources; to detect the link or any blackout in the chain, to reach the nu-merical knowledge of ḥadīth narrated by a companion or other narrators, to obtain information about narrators whose identity is not explicitly stated, to know the first narrator, to provide the protection of the ḥadīths from taḥrīf or alteration, to give the opportunity to identify the subject they contain, to be able to obtain text integrity by getting various chains, the detection of the sabab al-wurūd (the context of ḥadīth).Due to the contributions we have mentioned above, many books on aṭrāf literature that started with Abu’l-Ḥasen Ali b. Omar ad-Dārakutnī have been published. Among them Aṭrāfu’s-ṣaḥīḥayn/el-Jem`u bayna’s-ṣaḥīḥayn by Abū Mas`ūd Ibrāhīm b. Muḥammad b. Ubayd ad-Dimashkī, Aṭrāfu’s-ṣaḥīḥayn by Abū Muḥammad Ḥalaf b. Muḥammad b. Ali al-Vasiṭī, Zaḫāiru’l-mavārīs fi’d-dalālati alā mavāzi`i’l-hadīs by Abdülganī b. İsmāīl en-Nāblūsī and Tuḥfatu’l-ashrāf bi ma`rifati’l-aṭrāf by Abu’l-Ḥajjāj Yūsuf b. Abdurrahman el-Mizzī can be mentioned. Some of the related works are arranged in musnad style while others are arranged according to the first word of ḥadīth texts. As a result, the method of aṭrāf has become a kind of indexer in order to facilitate reaching the source of the re-ports and make the highest level of use required by the classification and bookings of the ḥadīths in the 3rd centu-ry. These works, arranged alphabetically in the name of the Companions or according to the texts of the ḥadīth, have taken their place in the history of the ḥadīth with their many examples, both in the form of taṣnīf and the method of takhrīj by mentioning a part of the ḥadīth by the head. (shrink)

Judith Butler postyapısalcı feministler arasında nevi şahsına münhasır bir düşünür olarak kabul edilebilir. Bu kabulün temel gerekçelerinden birisi onun temel hak ve özgürlükleri savunma konusundaki queer perspektifidir. Bu çalışmanın temel amacı, Butler’ın queer teorisini inşa ederken yaslandığı felsefi zeminin analiz edilmesidir. Bu bağlamda çalışmanın temel iddiası, Butler’ın yapısöküm stratejisini uygulamaktan ziyade, toplumsal cinsiyet ve queer teorisinin kendisini bizatihi bir yapısöküm stratejisine dönüştürmeye çalıştığı ve bunda başarılı olmadığıdır. Bu iddia, Derrida’nın différance analizi ve performatiflik kavramı üzerinden temellendirilmeye çalışılmıştır.

In den Anfängen seiner Philosophie äußerte sich Descartes über den epistemologischen Stellenwert des Willens nur allgemein. Nach Descartes hat Gott dem menschlichen Geist bereits die ersten Ideen gegeben, damit er die ebenfalls von Gott geschaffene physische Welt überhaupt wahrnehmen kann. Für ihn ist die dazu zuständige menschliche Fakultät unter anderem der Wille. Angesichts der immer wieder gemachten Erfahrung, dass die Menschen Irrtümer begehen, muss sich Descartes in der Fortsetzung seiner Philosophie mit der Frage auseinandersetzen, wie sich der Wille irrt und (...) warum. Für die cartesianische Erklärung des ersten Teils der Frage ist entscheidend, wie der Geist im Zusammenwirken des Willens und des Verstandes den Erkenntnisakt vollzieht. Als Gründe der Irrtümer nennt Descartes die Grenzen des menschlichen Verstandes sowie die Unaufmerksamkeit der Menschen. Ob der Wille insbesondere bei der genannten Unaufmerksamkeit frei ist, sodass dessen Inhaber zur Verantwortung gezogen werden kann, ist eine weitere Frage, zu der Descartes Stellung beziehen muss. In den Meditationen entwickelt er eine Freiheitslehre, die jedoch auf Einwände seitens Hobbes stößt. Später in zwei Briefen an Mesland modifiziert er seine Freiheitslehre. Die Freiheit, die er hierbei annimmt, ist für Descartes hinreichend, um die Verantwortlichkeit des Menschen für sein Fehlverhalten anzunehmen, auch wenn Gott selbst den Menschen mit einem Willensvermögen erschaffen hat bzw. die Ausübung dieser Freiheit duldet. (shrink)

Teknoloji ve medya araçlarının gelişmesi ve farklılaşmasıyla birçok yeniliğin hayatlarımıza girdiğine, buna bağlı olarak markaların da reklam ve pazarlama stratejilerini değiştirdiklerine tanık olmaktayız. Geleneksel reklamcılık anlayışının haricinde son zamanlarda sosyal medya ortamlarında sıklıkla gördüğümüz ve markaların önemli yatırım bütçeleri ayırdığı influencer reklamcılık/pazarlama içerikleri hatırı sayılır bir şekilde çocukları ve ergenleri de hedeflemektedir. Bununla birlikte ergenlerin influencer pazarlama/reklamcılık karşısında reklam okuryazarlık becerilerini nasıl işe koştukları hakkındaki mevcut duruma ilişkin bilgimiz sınırlıdır. Bu çalışma, ergenlerin bilişsel, duygusal ve ahlaki reklam okuryazarlığı becerilerinin influencer (...) pazarlama/reklamcılığın ikna edici doğasıyla mücadelede nasıl kullandığını anlamak amacıyla yürütülmüştür. Yorumlayıcı nitel bir metodolojiyi benimseyen çalışmanın verileri 15-17 yaşları arasındaki ergen katılımcılardan yarı yapılandırılmış görüşmeler yoluyla elde edilmiştir. Yönlendirilmiş niteliksel içerik analiziyle irdelenen verilerden ulaşılan bulgular, ergenlerin bilişsel reklam okuryazarlığı becerilerinin gelişmiş olmasına karşın influencerlarla kurdukları parasosyal ilişkinin duygusal ve ahlaki reklam okuryazarlık becerilerinin devreye alınmasını engelleyebileceğini göstermektedir. (shrink)

Mehmed Efendi, known as Mur Ali Baba, is one of the sheikhs of the Halisiyye branch of the Qadiriyya sect. Mehmed Efendi, who was buried in Sivas, is a sufi who was active in his time with his scientific and mystical efforts. Mehmed Efendi is a master of poetry as well as his command of Persian and his contribution to many people's learning of Persian. It is understood from Mehmet Efendi's only work called Tenbîhü's-sâlikîn that he was a personality (...) largely under the influence of Mawlânâ. In the article, a Persian poem of Mehmed Efendi, who was especially influential in Sivas and its environs in the 19th century, is discussed through the commentary made by him. This poem of seven couplets, in which Mehmed Efendi voiced his criticisms of the apparent ulemâ through the example of amber and straw, also shows his talent in poetry. In addition, in this poem, Mehmed Efendi expressed his views on education and the relationship between the perfect master and the devotee as the central subject, through the example of amber and straw, which are frequently used for reasons such as its color and physical characteristics in divan literature. The article focuses on the influence of Mevlânâ, whom Mehmed Efendi traced because of this example, and some of his thoughts expressed in the context of the amber-straw waste example. (shrink)

Yûsuf b. Hussein al-Kirmāstī (d. 900/1494), a figure who lived in the 15th century, studied under scholars of his time such as Khujazāda Muṣliḥuddīn Efendi (d. 893/1488). Kirmāstī was from the district of Kirmāstī (Mustafakemalpaşa) in Bursa. Yûsuf b. Hussein al-Kirmāstī was a qadi (judge) during the reign of Sultan Bâyezid II (1481-1512). Kirmāstī, originally from Kirmāstī (Mustafakemalpaşa), Bursa, established a medrese (theological school) in Istanbul named Kirmâstî. After serving as a lecturer in various madrasahs, he transitioned to the judicial (...) field, carrying out qadi duties in Bursa and Istanbul. His just decisions and courageous stance during his tenure as a qadi earned him the appreciation of Sultan Bâyezid II. Kirmāstī, who had a mosque, a madrasah, and a school in Istanbul, is known to have had an additional school in his hometown of Kirmāstī. He passed away in 900/1494 and was buried next to the school he built in Fatih Mosque. This study aims to reintroduce Kirmāstī to the contemporary academic world from a fresh perspective, considering his proficiency in religious and linguistic sciences of the time, including rhetoric, badiʿ, bayān, uṣūl, fiqh, debate and ʿaqāid. The focus is on this study the stylistic elements of literary technique styles (al-muḥassināt al-maʿnewiyyah) within his specific work titled “al-Mukhtār fi-l-maʿānī wa-l-bayān”. Through this exploration, the significant Ottoman scholar and his works are presented, followed by an analysis of the literary technique styles in “al-Mukhtār fi-l-maʿānī wa-l-bayān” bringing attention to interested parties. (shrink)

In this article, chronological information will be given about the takkas established in the church buildings in Istanbul. After the conquest of Istanbul in 1453 Mehmet II started to establish works of foundation in the city in order to reorganise the city and the statesmen were encouraged the creation of such charitable works. In order to provide the current needs in the city, some of the churches were converted into mosques, masjids, madrasah, lodges- takkas and public soup kitchens. Among (...) these structures, there were double-function buildings serving both as a mosque and as a takka. Many of these mosques and masjids were used as a religious ceremony place/tevhidhane, suffering place/çilehane and training place. There are mosque and takkas were build on the grounds of many ruin churches, which could not be restored due to various reasons. In Istanbul, there were eighteen churches which were used as tevhidhane where the chanting of the tariqah was made on certain days of the week, and takkas were built in their places. (shrink)

Of the prominent elements of Mudurnu, a rare settlement that has preserved its historical texture, is undoubtedly the Yıldırım Bayezid Complex. Thanks to the madrasa in this complex, built in 1382, Mudurnu has been a centre of knowledge for centuries. In this process, perhaps hundreds of mudarris served in the madrasa. The most famous of these was Mullah Muslihiddîn Kastalânî, who served in the 1490s, and the last one was Mehmet ZühtüUzmay. The most important source of this study, which (...) aims to focus on Uzmay and his teacher Mehmet Sadık, is the file numbered 1955-0936 belonging to Uzmay in the Registry Archive of the Presidency of Religious Affairs. Although dozens of documents in this file constitute the source of the research, the main data is the ijazatnama which is intended to be published in Arabic and Turkish languages. This study, using literature review and document analysis techniques within the scope of qualitative research, reaches a number of proper names and teacher-student relations that can be considered notable for Mudurnu. There is no information about Mehmet Sadık and Mehmet Zühtü Uzmay in the literature. For this reason, this research has a unique value by filling an important gap in the field. The first of the mudarrises, subject to this study is Mehmet Sadık, who awarded the ijazatnama. The information, he narrated in the ijazatnama indicates that his educational life was shaped around Mudurnu and Bolu. It is understood that Mehmet Sadık benefited from many teachers during his student life. Unlike he mentions as his teachers, he emphasisesSıbgatullah Efendi and states that he received an ijazatnama from him. Sıbgatullah Efendi, who took courses from the scholars of Bolu and Istanbul, was an important figure who was appointed as the mufti of Bolu between 1860 and 1887. It is understood from the information in the literature and some documents in the relevant file that Mehmet Sadık assumed several different duties in Mudurnu after receiving his ijazatnama from his teacher Sıbgatullah Efendi. In this context, the first duty assigned to him was the teaching at Mudurnu Primary School. Subsequently, he became a mudarris. Some documents in Uzmay's file describe Mehmet Sadık as a mudarris. However, his only known position is as the mufti of Mudurnu. Although it is not known when and after whom he was appointed as the mufti of Mudurnu, he held this position until his death in November/December 1914. Mehmet Zühtü Uzmay, a student of Mehmet Sadık, was born in 1882 in the Camiikebir Neighbourhood of Mudurnu to the couple of Abdullah Rasih and Zeliha. After graduating from ibtidâî (primary) and rüşdiye (secondary) schools in Mudurnu, he went to Istanbul and enrolled in the Vefa Madrasa. He returned to Mudurnu after receiving education for a while from Tokatlı Şakir Efendi, one of the Fatih dersiams (public lecturers). Then he gets education for five years from his teacher Mehmet Sadık, who was serving as the mufti of Mudurnu at that time, and he took an ijazatnama on 08 August 1912. Soon after, in 1914, he was appointed as a mudarris at the Mudurnu Yıldırım Bayezid Madrasa and a preacher at the Sultan Süleyman Mosque at the same time. It seems highly probable that Uzman served in the city until the madrasas were closed down in 1924 but he did not undertake any official duties in the following years. In the documents examined, Uzmay, who was stated to have returned to his duty life as a candidate preacher as of 1944, was elected as the Mufti of Mudurnu on 16 July 1946, which was vacated with the death of Ubeydullah Doğulu, and continued in this position until 05 December 1960, when he retired. It is not known how long this Ottoman-era religious official, who was educated in the madrasa during the Ottoman period and served as a preacher and mufti during the Republican period, lived after his retirement and when he passed away. (shrink)

Many mawlids (mawlid al-nabī) have been written as a reflection of the love for the prophet Muhammad. Süleymān Çelebi’s (d. 825/1422) Wasila al-nacāt, has been seen as the founding work in Turkish literature in this category. The effect of Wasila al-nacāt has continued for centuries, and inspired many other mawlids. One of them is Enverī Erzincānī’s work named Mawlūd al-sharīf (Sumbul al-gulzār al-kalām al-kadīm). In literature tradition, mawlids are written in masnawī in ​​verse form, Mawlūd al-sharīf was written in style. (...) ode. In this respect, the work can be seen as an exception between the other ones. Another remarkable aspect of the work is the similarity between the two stories in Nasibī al-mawlid which is estimated to be written in XV. or XVI. century. Until now, no academic work has been done about Mawlūd al-sharīf. The sources that provide information about Mawlūd al-sharīf report about, two copies, one in Çorum Hasanpasha Manuscript Library (Çorum Hasanpaşa Yazma Eserler Kütüphanesi) and the other in Kastamonu Manuscript Library (Kastamonu Yazma Eserler Kütüphanesi). Research showed that the copy in Kastamonu was in fact another copy of Wasila al-nacāt another copy of Mawlūd al-sharīf was also found in the Çorum Hasanpasha Manuscript Library (Çorum Hasanpaşa Yazma Eserler Kütüphanesi). The number of couplets of Mawlūd al-sharīf has increased to 202 with the finding of the second copy. About the author of the work that is approximatly written in the XVII. or XVIII. century no information could be found. This study, introduces the Mawlūd al-sharīf and its authors, compares it with Wasila al-nacāt and presents an critical analysis of the text.Summary: The term mawlid means birth, birth time and place of birth. It was used to describe works such as the birth of the Prophet, miracles and the death of the Prophet. Next to these there also many mawlids about the lifes of Fatīma the daughter of the Prophet and her husband Alī, and few about the lifes of a spiritual guide. The first examples of this type seen in Arabic literature are Ibn Dihya al-Kalbī (d. 633/1235), Muhammad al-Azafī (d. 633/1236) and Cafar b. Hasan al-Barzancī (d. 1177/1764); Muhammad b. Masūd el-Kāzarūnī (d. 758/1356) and Sūzanī (d. 569/1173). The celebrations related to mawlid have turned into ceremonial form in the era of the Fatimies. The Fatimies held, Mawlid-al-Alī, Mawlid al-Hasan, Mawlid al-Husayin and Mawlid al-Fatīma ceremonies next to the Prophet’s. The first mawlid ceremony in the form of today was seen in the time of Muzaffar al-Dīn Gokboru (d. 630/1233).Different ideas have been put forward about the first mawlid text in Turkish literature, but Süleymān Çelebi’s Wasila al-nacat has been accepted as a pioneer work in the recognition and love of this kind. Many mawlids were written with the influence of Wasila al-nacat. The likeness of the content and the motifs of the majority of mawlids to Wasila al-nacat is interpreted as a strong sign indicating its importance in this genre. The translation of Wasila al-nacat into Arabic, Circassian, Greek, Kurdish, Tatar, Sawamish, English, German, Albanian, Bosnian... languages ​​should be considered as a factor that exposes its breadth.It is estimated that around 200 Turkish mawlids have been written, but this number is increasing with new studies. One of these mawlids is the work of Enverî Erzincānī called Mawlūd al-sharīf Ethem Erkoç and Mehmet Fatih Köksal are the researchers who have been aware of the existence of this work for the first time. Both researchers mention that the work has 142 couplets and the only copy is that in the Çorum Hasanpasha Writing Works Library (Çorum Hasanpaşa Yazma Eserler Kütüphanesi). In his work called Mawlid-nāma Köksal states that there is a second copy of the work, but the copy of Kastamonu, which is known as the second copy, is actually a copy of Wasila al-nacat. In the present study, another more bulky version of Mawlūd al-sharīf was recorded in Çorum Hasanpasha Manuscript Library (Çorum Hasanpaşa Yazma Eserler Kütüphanesi). In the catalogs of the National Library (Milli Kütüphane) and Çorum Hasanpasha Manuscript Library (Çorum Hasanpaşa Yazma Eserler Kütüphanesi), the mawlid is indicated as Persian; the reason fort his mistake might be, the fact that the first twelve of the text is Persian.Although there were many poets who used the pseudonym Enverī there is no poet in Turkish literature, who was from Erzincan and wrote a mawlid with the same pseudonym. It was understood that the poet was a sayyid.In five places the author’s name or pseudonym is mentioned. His work shows that he is from Erzincān and that he has a mawlid. As a mawlid poet Enverī, adopted a quite ambitious style. He praises himself for writing in Persian, being the best Persian speaker in this area, and boasted his pure character and wise poetry.In the headlines of the copies the work is called Mawlūd al-sharīf / Sunbul al-gulzār al-kalām al-kadīm. Therefore, it would be more appropriate to consider the work as a double name sage. The copies do not include a record of the copyright date of the work. According to the second copy, which is shorter and which has the impression that it is incomplete, the work was copied in 1249/1833. It can be said that the Mawlid was written in the XVII. or XVIII. century because of its language and style.In the mawlid tradition of writing mawlid, generally masnawī form was preferred. Rarely some mawlids were conposed in verse styles. One of these works, which are two for now, is the one in which Çizmeci-zāde Vehbī wrote the couplets of Wasila al-nacat in sixth verse form. The other one is the Mawlūd al-sharīf of Enverī Erzincān. Mawlūd al-sharīf was written entirely in the form of an ode, except of two stories with 48 couplets must have been added later. The work with 202 couplet was separated from Wasila al-nacat and other mawlids in terms of starting with a Persian tawhid and using the style of an ode. Because of the small number of citations, the subjects described in Wasila al-nacat have not been contacted or have been summarized. Mawlūd al-sharīf is one of the shortest ones. Because of the small number of couplets of Mawlūd al-sharīf, the subjects described in detail in Wasila al-nacat are either not mentioned or only summarized. The work, consists of two major sections: The birth of the Prophet and the miracle of miraj. The remarkable feature of Mawlūd al-sharīf is that the two stories told are identical to the stories in Nasībī Mawlid (XV. or XVI. century). The first story tells how, a Jewish couple living in Baghdad became Muslims because of their respect for the mawlid ceremony. The second story tells about, a young named Alī who organized a mawlid ceremony with little money left from his mother and therefore died with faith. Surprisingly, this similarity is seen in the content and narrative forms of the stories in both texts. The fact that the comparative stories are almost the same makes on think of the possibilities of imitating, quoting or saving rather than an impression of the author by the previous text. Taking into account the chronological time, it seems more likely to accept the quotations in the Mavlūd al-sharīf as duplicating. Writing the stories in Mawlūd al-sharīf after the main chapters and the line differences in the rulers reinforce the impression that the stories are added later. (shrink)

Dil, duygu ve düşüncelerimizi ortaya çıkarmak için kullanılan iletişim aracıdır. Yalnız dil sadece iletişim aracı değil aynı zamanda medeniyet, bilim ve felsefe alanlarının gelişmesine katkı sağlamaktadır. Felsefe tarihine baktığımızda dil, felsefe problemlerin gölgesinde kalmaktadır. Modern dönemde Wittgenstein ile başlayan dil çalışmaları ve önemi günümüzde de devam etmektedir. Dil, felsefe, bilim, mantık ve medeniyetler için önemli bir konuma gelmektedir. Dil ile kavramlar oluşturulur, mantığa ulaşılır, argümanlar oluşturulur, bununla ortaya medeniyet, felsefe ve bilim dili çıkmaktadır. Mehmet Fatih Doğrucan kitabında bu (...) bağlamda Türkçe dilini ele almaktadır. (shrink)

As we navigate post-pandemic educational recovery and future-oriented design, the Handbook of Research in Online Learning: Insights and Advances emerges as a scholarly authority to illuminate existing questions and catalyze conversations on imperative transformations in education. Tailored for researchers, designers, educators, administrators, and stakeholders, this handbook delves into the nuanced landscape of online learning. Curated by leading experts, each chapter provides a deep exploration of critical online teaching and learning dimensions. Whether you're navigating the complexities of instructional design, exploring the (...) impact of digital learning on diverse student populations, or delving into the transformative potential of AI, each chapter illuminates critical aspects of online education. It merges current significant works with unpublished manuscripts, embodying the interdisciplinary essence of online learning research. Grounded in diverse theoretical frameworks and research methods, it offers theoretical insights and actionable guidance for cutting-edge educational methodologies. This handbook is not just a compendium; it's an indispensable guide for shaping the future of education. Contributors are: Michael Ahlf, Stephen Allen, Tonya Amankwatia, Fatih Ari, Ismahan Arslan-Ari, Michael K. Barbour, Gail Alleyne Bayne, Karen Bellnier, M. Aaron Bond, Victoria Brown, George Bradford, William Cain, Sumie Chan, Lauren Cifuentes, Laura DaVinci, Gina Deckard, Shernette Dunn, Anne Fensie, Holly Fiock, Sara Flowers, Carla Karen Fortune, Theodore Frick, Michael M. Grant, Alexis Guethler, Dan He, Atsusi "2c" Hirumi, Charles B. Hodges, Stephanie Hostetter, Michael Houdyshell, Fethi A. Inan, Frank Jamison, Amir Kalan, Meryl Krieger, Jessica Lantz, Mary Lefaiver, Juhong Christie Liu, Noble Lo, Barbara Lockee, Fatemeh Marzban, Trey Martindale, Sara McNeil, Laura McNeill, Stephanie Moore, Martha Lorena Obermeier, Larisa Olesova, Jennifer Jihae Park, Sanghoon Park, Yujin Park, AnthTony Pina, Drew Polly, Yingxiao Qian, Thomas Reeves, Christiane Reilly, Jennifer Richardson, Aubrey Rogowski, Leanne Rutherford, Kay Seo, Sanga Song, Edwin Teye Sosi, Stefan Stenbom, Sharon Stidham, David Tai, Hengtao Tang, Torrey Trust, Shannon Tucker, Denis Unal, Lucas Vasconcelos, Charles Xiaoxue Wang, Florence Williams, Ying Xie and Fan Xu. (shrink)

The primary source of income in the Ottoman Empire, like in other pre-vious and contemporary states, was land. For this reason, the private ownership of land, especially those used for grain production, was avoided, and efforts were made to keep them as state-owned or public lands known as "mirî" or "memleket arazisi". This situation brings up the issue of cultivating the land and generating income from it. The Ottoman Empire further developed the timar system, which was also implemented by the (...) previous states, and allocated land to families based on its productivity by dividing it into certain sizes. These families were required to pay a tax known as "çift resmi", "raiyyet resmi", or "kulluk akçası." The system was based on the cultivation of the land by the peasants, thus ensuring both the production of crops without venturing food security and providing the state with the necessary tax revenue. Thus, it was necessary for the peasants not to abandon their land. One of the precautions taken to ensure this was "cebrî ikamet" (compulsory residency), and the other was "çift bozan resmi" (a tax imposed on those who leave their land uncultivated). Regulations regarding these measures have been included in the Kanunnames (legal codes) since the time of Fatih Sultan Mehmet, and they remained in effect until the 1858 Land Code. Since the nişancıs who prepared the Kanunnames had a good command in Islamic fiqh and the laws were at least theoretically approved by the sheikh al-islam until the mid-17th century, no one among the Ottoman scholars was known to oppose these regulations. Due to the serious disruption of the timar system and the increasing oppression of the peasants, criticisms of the "çift bozan" and "cebrî ikamet" measures began among the scholars in the Damascus region, led by Hayreddin Remlî, in the second half of the 17th century. This criticism intensified over time. In fact, two separate treatises were written on this issue. The scholars in Istanbul were also partly affected by this criticism. In this article, the "çift bozan" tax and its status in Islamic law will be primarily examined. All views in favor or against this issue will be put forth as much as possible, and an evaluation will be made while trying to come up with a different perspective. (shrink)

Gayretimin bir kısmı bilim dünyasına hizmet, ama diğer çok mühim bir gayesi ise; koskoca bir İslam aleminin yitirmiş olduğu kendine hürmeti, güveni ve insanlık tarihindeki yerini hatırlatmak, kaybettiklerini inşa etmek içindir. Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin anısına ithaf ettiğimiz Felsefe ve Din Bilimleri Özel Sayımıza hoşgeldiniz. Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin, 24 Ekim 1924 tarihinde Bitlis’te dünyaya gelen Fuat Sezgin, il-kokulu Doğubayazıt’ta, ortaokul ve liseyi ise Erzurum’da bitirdikten sonra 1943 yılında İstanbul’a geldi. İstanbul Üniversitesi şarkiyat (Doğu bilimi) Araştırmaları (...) Enstitüsü’nde ünlü Alman şarkiyatçı Prof. Dr. Hellmut Ritter’in (1892-1971) öğrencisi olan Sezgin, Ritter’in tavsiyesi üzerine İslâm bilimlerine yöneldi. 1951’de İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakülte-si’den mezun olduktan sonra Arap Dili ve Edebiyatı alanında “Buhârî’nin Kaynakları Hakkın-da Araştırmalar” başlıklı teziyle doktorasını tamamladı. Bu çalışmasıyla, hadis kaynağı olarak İslâm kültüründe önemli bir yere sahip olan Buhârî’nin sözlü kaynaklar yerine yazılı kaynaklara dayandığı tezini ortaya attı. Doçent unvanını 1954 yılında alan Sezgin, 1960 askeri darbesinin ardından üniversi-telerden uzaklaştırılan 147 akademisyen arasında kendi adının da bulunması üzerine 1961’de Türkiye’den ayrıldı ve çalışmalarına Goethe Üniversitesi’nde (Frankfurt) devam etti. Câbir bin Hayyân hakkında hazırladığı ikinci tezini 1965’te Goethe Üniversitesi Doğa Bilimleri tarihi Enstitüsü’ne sunan ve bir yıl sonra profesörlüğe yükseltilen Sezgin, aynı yıl kendisi gibi şarkiyatçı olan Ursula Sezgin ile Evlendi. Alanında şimdiye kadar yazılan en kapsamlı eser kabul edilen Geshichte des arabisc-hen Schrifttums (Arapça Yazma Eserler Literatürü Tarihi) başlıklı kapsamlı eserinin ilk cildini 1967’de yayımlayan Sezgin, 1978’de Kral Faysal İslâmi İlimler Ödülü’ne lâyık görüldü. Bu ödül nedeniyle kendisine takdim edilen maddi desteği değerlendirerek 1982’de Goethe Üniversitesi Arap-İslâm Bilimleri Tarihi Enstitrüsü’nü, ertesi yıl ise bu enstitü bünyesinde, tarih boyunca Müslüman bilim insanlarının icat ettiği 800’den fazla bilimsel alet ve düzene-ğinin modellerinin sergilendiği İslam Bilim ve teknoloji Müzesi’ni kurdu. Bu müzenin bir benzerini 2008 yılında istanbul’da kuran Sezgin, 2010 yılında Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin İslam Bilim Tarihi Araştırmaları Vakfı’nın kuruluşuna öncülük etti. Kahire Arap Dili Akademisi, Şam Arap Dili Akademisi, Fas Rabat Kraliyet Akademisi, Bağdat Arap Dili Akademisi, Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi şeref üyeliği de dâhil olmak üzere çok sayıda ödül ve nişana layık görülen Sezgin’e; Erciyes Üniversitesi, Atatürk Üniversitesi, Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi ve İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından fahri doktora unvanları verildi. Frankfurt am Main Goethe Plaketi, Almanya Üstün Hizmet Madalyası, İran İslâmi Bilimler Kitap Ödülü ve Cumhurbaşkanlığı Kültür ve Sanat Büyük Ödülü ile taltif edildi. Prof. Sezgin’in öncülüğünde kurulan İstanbul İslâm Bilim ve teknoloji tarihi Müzesi, Kültür ve Turizm bakanlığı 2016 özel Ödülü’ne lâyık görüldü. Arapça, Süryanice, İbranice, Latince ve Almanca başta olmak üzere 27 dil bilen Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin, 30 Haziran 2018’de İstanbul’da vefat etti ve Gülhane Parkı’ndaki İstanbul İslâm Bilim ve teknoloji tarihi Müzesi’nin bahçesine defnedildi. Vefatının ardından, 2018/6 sayılı Cumhurbaşkanlığı genelgesi ile 2019 yılı “Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin Yılı” olarak ilân edildi. Cumhurbaşkanlığı genelgesinde "İslam kültür ve medeniyetinin daha iyi anlaşılmasını sağlamak ve onu yeni nesillere en doğru şekilde aktarmak amacıyla yapılacak söz konusu çalışmalara ilgili tüm kamu kurum ve kuruluşlarınca her türlü destek ve katkının sağlanması hususunda gereğini rica ederim." İfadelerine yer verilerek Fuat Sezgin’in ülke sathında anlatılması ve düşüncelerinin anlaşılması için çeşitli faaliyetlerin yürütülmesi istenmişti. Koordinasyon Merkezi olarak da Kırıkkale Üniversitesi seçildi Dünyanın önde gelen bilim tarihçilerinden olan, İslam Bilim Tarihi alanındaki çalışmaları bulunan Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin’i gelecek nesillere tanıtmak, fikirlerini anlatmak amacıyla Sivas Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi tarafından da birçok faaliyet yapıldı. Dünyanın önde gelen bilim tarihçilerinden Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin’e, İslam Bilim Tarihi alanındaki çalışmalarından dolayı Üniversitemiz tarafından “Fahri Bilim Doktoru” unvanı verildi. Prof. Dr. Sezgin’e fahri bilim doktoru unvanı verilmesi dolayısıyla Üniversitemiz Kül-tür Merkezi’nde düzenlenen tören İstiklal Marşımızın okunması ve saygı duruşuyla başladı. Programa Rektörümüz Prof. Dr. Alim Yıldız, Sivas Belediye Başkan Yardımcısı Ah-met Özaydın, Fatih Sultan Mehmet Üniversitesi Rektörü Prof. Dr. Musa Uzun, öğretim elemanları ve öğrenciler katıldı. Rektörümüz Prof. Dr. Alim Yıldız yaptığı açış konuşmasında, "İnsanlara İslam bilimlerinin gerçeğini tanıtmak, benlik duygularını olumsuz etkileyen yanlış yargılardan onları kurtarmak ve ferdin ehemmiyetine olan inancı kazandırmak amacıyla İslam Bilimi Tarihi araştırmalarına adanmış bir ömürdür Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin Hocamız. Öyle büyük bir otoritedir ki onu anmadan, onun hazırladığı eserlere bakmadan, bilim tarihiyle, İslam tarihiyle ilgili ortaya bir şeyler sunabilmek çok zordur. Bilim tarihinin en çalışkan, en birikimli bilim insanlarından biridir. İslam tarihine, İslam düşüncesine, İslami eserlere ve bilim dünyasına vermiş olduğu katkılarıyla bir medeniyet kâşifi, eşi bulunmaz bir değer ve ‘darbeler neden kötüdür’ sorusunun mücessem cevabıdır Prof. Dr. Sezgin. Bizim medeniyet ve kültürümüzde kültür, sanat ve beşerin, Yaratıcının her eserinde müşahede ettiği güzellikleri, çeşitli yol ve yöntemlerle ortaya koymasının vasıtasıdır. Bilgiyi hikmetle taçlandırıp irfana ulaştırmadıkça hiçbir şeyi yerli yerine oturtamayız." dedi. Konuşmanın ardından Rektör Yıldız, 93 yaşındaki Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin’e cübbe giydirdi. Daha sonra Sezgin katılımcılara ‘Arap İslam Tarihinden Bazı İzlenimler’ konulu ders verdi. Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin, “İnsanların bilgi tarihi ile ilgili verileri yazılı olarak kaydetme gayreti, politik tarihe olana nispetle tesadüflere ve keyfi değerlendirmelere göre çok geri zamanlarda oldu. İslam bilim tarihi yüksek ve kaliteli görüşleri yansıtır. Bunları burada sunamayacağım. Birçoğunu Arap-İslam tarihi adlı kitabımın bugüne kadar çıkmış olan 17. cildinde kaydetmeye çalıştım. Onu İstanbul’da Gülhane Parkı’nda İslam Tarihi Araştırmaları Vakfı yayınları arasında bulabilirsiniz.” dedi. Prof. Dr. Sezgin “Bilimler tarihinin verilerini değerlendirmekte, yaşanılan zamanın etüt şartını gözden kaçırılmasının esas olması gerektiğini anladım ve henüz kitabımı yazma-ya başlamadan rastladığım Fransız Coğrafya tarihçisi Joseph Toussaint Renaud (1795-1867)’un şu sözleri beni çok etkilemişti. “Tesadüf teknik ve sanatın ilerlemesinde çok büyük bir rol oynamaz. İnsanlar buluşlarında devamlı bir şekilde birden bir sıçrayışla değil, adım adım hareket eder. Her zaman aynı hızda değil, fakat devamlı olarak insan icat etmez. Olanı ilerletir.” ifadelerine yer verdi. Konuşmasının sonunda Prof. Dr. Sezgin, “Benim 65 yıldır yaymaya çalıştığım Arap İslam bilimleri tarihi hemen hemen her gün beni hayata bağladı. İslam dünyasında büyük bir hızla ilerleyen bilimler MS. 8. yüzyıldan itibaren Fransa ve İngiltere’ye diğer taraftan 10 ve 11. yüzyıldan itibaren Sicilya’ya ve İtalya’ya 9. yüzyıldan itibaren Bizans’a ulaştılar. Avrupa-lılar teknik bilimleri diğer bilimlere nazaran daha kolay anlıyor ve alabiliyorlardı. Bu anlam-da onlar 16. yüzyılda bazı yönlerde Müslümanlara ulaşmaya hatta onları geçmeye başladılar.” ifadelerini kullandı. Programın sonunda Rektörümüz ve Fatih Sultan Mehmet Üniversitesi Rektörü Prof. Dr. Musa Duman, Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin’e tezhipli bir tablo hediye ettiler. 2019 Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin Yılı kapsamında Sivas Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Merkezî Kütüphanesi’ne Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin’in ismi verildi. Ayrıca Üniversitemiz Rektörlüğü tarafından düzenlenen 5’inci Hazan Şiir Dinletisi Sezgin anısına ithaf edilmiştir. 2019 yılının Haziran ayı içerisinde ise Üniversitemiz Rektörlüğü öncülüğünde ve İlahiyat Fakültesi Dekanlığınca ile Sivas Merkez Ulu Cami’de merhum Prof. Dr. Sezgin için Kur’an-ı Kerim tilaveti ve Mevlid-i Şerif programı gerçekleştirilmiştir. Son olarak üniversitemiz rektörlüğü tarafından desteklenen ve Sivas Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi tarafından yayımlanan Cumhuriyet İlahiyat Dergisi’nin 23. Cilt 3. Sayısı (Felsefe ve Din Bilimleri Özel Sayısı) Prof. Dr. Fuat Sezgin anısına ithaf edilmiştir. Felsefe ve Din Bilimleri alanından birçok güncel ve ilgi çekici araştırmayı bir araya getirdiğimiz sayımızı sizlere sunmaktan heyecan ve mutluluk duyuyoruz. Bize emanet edi-len değerli çalışmaları uluslararası alana taşımak için geniş bir ekiple tüm gayretimizi gösterdiğimizi ifade etmek isteriz. Yeni sayımızda başta makale sahibi değerli bilim insanlarımıza, yayın, danışma ve hakem kurullarımıza, Rektörlüğümüz Basımevi personeline ve özellikle dergimizin yayın aşamasında yadsınmaz emekleri olan alan editörlerimiz Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Adem Çiftçi, Arş. Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Gör. Fatma Kurttekin, Arş. Gör. Maruf Çakır, Arş. Gör. Alper Ay, Arş. Gör. Esma Güneş, Gör. Bayram Ünce, Arş. Gör. Sena Kaplan, Arş. Gör. Gülistan Aktaş,Arş. Gör. Hamit Demir Arş. Gör. Merve Yetim, Arş. Gör. Rukiye Göğen, Arş. Gör. Ömer Faruk Özbek, Arş. Gör. Salime Bera Kemikli, Arş. Gör. Naim Yaman, Arş. Gör. Sema Tombul, Arş. Gör. Nurgül Akdoğan, Arş. Gör. Ayşe Mine Akar, Arş. Gör. İlknur Bahadır ile Arapça dil editörü Prof. Dr. Ömer Faruk Yavuz ve İngilizce dil kontrolü sorumluluğunu üstlenen alan editörlerimiz Dr. Miyase Yavuz Altıntaş, Uzm. Zeynep Yücedoğru, Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Zuhal Ağılkaya Şahin, Dr. Metin Güven ve Dr. Kenan Tekin’e teşekkür ederiz. Dergimizin 23. Cilt 2. ve 3. Sayı (Özel Sayı)’larından itibaren Yazı İşleri Müdürü olarak Dr. Ahmet Çelik’in görevlendirildiğini bildirir kendisine yeni görevinde başarılar dileriz. Önceki sayılarımızda dergimizin Yazı İşleri Müdürlüğünü ifa eden Doç. Dr. Ali Yılmaz’a teşekkürlerimizi sunarız. 15 Haziran 2020’de yayınlanacak bir sonraki sayımız için makale kabul tarihlerinin yayın kurulumuz tarafından 1 Ocak- 15 Mart olarak değiştirildiğini hatırlatır çalışmalarınız-da kolaylıklar dileriz. 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Kaynardağ, Arslan, 1923-; intellectual; criticism and interpretation; Turkey; modern philosophy; 20th century.

Rigveda, Hint alt kıtasının en eski metinlerinden biri olarak, antik Vedik dönemin dini, felsefi ve kültürel yaşamına dair paha biçilmez bilgiler sunar. Bu kutsal kitap, karmaşık ilahiler, ritüeller ve mitolojik anlatılar yoluyla Hindistan’ın manevi ve düşünsel mirasının temellerini şekillendirir. Bu çalışma, Hint kültürünün köklerini ve gelişimini anlamada kritik bir rol oynayarak, yüzyıllar boyunca süregelen dini ritüeller, sosyal yapılar ve kozmolojik anlayışların şekillenmesine dair önemli veriler sunar. Makale, Rigveda’da yer alan Vedik yacña (kurban) ritüelini mercek altına alır; özellikle Soma kurbanının detaylı (...) ritüellerine ve rahiplerin bu törenlerdeki kritik rollerine dikkat çeker. Bu inceleme, eski Hint toplumunda rahiplerin dini ve sosyo-ekonomik etkilerini vurgulayarak, onların toplumdaki yerini ve önemini tartışır. Seçilen ilahilerin niteliksel tematik analizi, karmaşık ritüelistik çerçeveyi çözerek rahiplerin çok yönlü işlevlerine ve Vedik toplumunun toplumsal ve ruhani dengesini korumak için çok önemli bir rahip ücretlendirme biçimi olan ‘dakşiṇā’ sisteminin etkilerine ışık tutmaktadır. Araştırma, ritüelistik performanslar ile doğal dünya arasında simbiyotik bir ilişki olduğunu ileri sürerek, bu ritüellerin etkili bir şekilde uygulanmasının başta yağış olmak üzere çevresel olayları etkilediğine inanıldığını ve böylece insan dini pratiklerinin kozmik düzenle iç içe geçtiğini öne sürmektedir. Metinsel incelemeyi bilimsel yorumlarla bütünleştiren bu çalışma, Vedik kurban uygulamalarına dair kavrayışımızı geliştirmekte ve bunları Vedik dünya görüşünün şekillenmesinde merkezi bir rol oynayan manevi niyetler, maddi sonuçlar ve kozmolojik ilkelerin sofistike bir sentezi olarak tasvir etmektedir. Çalışma, bu eski ritüellerin ruhban sınıfı ile halk arasında nasıl karşılıklı bir dinamik oluşturduğunu, sosyal hiyerarşileri güçlendirirken aynı zamanda topluluğun manevi ve maddi refahını nasıl sağladığını incelemektedir. Bulgular, Vedik ritüellerin yalnızca dini törenler olarak değil, eski Hindistan’ın kültürel ethosunu, toplumsal yapılarını ve dini doktrinlerini şekillendiren temel unsurlar olarak kalıcı etkisinin altını çizmektedir. Rigveda’da ifade edildiği şekliyle kurban uygulamaları, toplumsal uyum için kritik bir araç olarak ortaya çıkmakta, ruhani ve zamansal olanın birbirine bağlılığına dair köklü bir inancı yerleştirmekte ve böylece Vedik dinin aşkın ve pragmatik boyutlarına dair incelikli bir bakış açısı sunmaktadır. Bu çalışma, Vedik kurban ritüelleri, sosyal düzenin oluşumu ve kadim Hint düşüncesinde tanrısalın nasıl algılandığı arasındaki kompleks bağlantıyı açıklamakta, böylece bu eski törenlerin Hinduizm’deki sonraki dini ve kültürel pratikler üzerindeki kalıcı etkisini ve mirasını detaylı bir şekilde ortaya koymaktadır. (shrink)

This article shifts the emphasis away from debates on how to study the history of the Mediterranean. Instead, it examines the utopian perspectives that Mediterranean as a context and as a framework generates for artists and scholars. Arslan argues that the Mediterranean's _longue-durée_ history does not have to be thought of as a prison or a burden; rather, this history can provide new future visions. The article claims that artists can draw upon the Mediterranean's history to simultaneously resist against (...) Western imperialism and criticize discriminatory practices in their communities. Furthermore, recent works in Mediterranean studies can generate what the author calls a "disciplinary utopia," wherein critics can engage with theoretical issues without foregoing attention to the languages and historical contexts of the traditions they study. The Mediterranean is not solely a sea in which narratives are produced; it is also a context in which they can be reassessed. (shrink)

The common periodisation in Ash‘ari kalām is Ibn Khaldun's distinction between the early and late periods over al-Ghazālī. Although some consider this as an artificial and unrealistic periodisation, we do not think so. For, it is not possible to understand and make sense of the logic and necessity of periodisation without knowing what exactly distinguishes these periods from each other and what kind of great differences and changes occurred in the latter period. The most important factor that distinguishes the theological (...) activities of the two periods is undoubtedly the Peripatetic philosophy that left its mark on the second period. The direct relationship established by the Ash‘ari theologians of the late period with philosophy has been the source of many changes in theology. These changes have manifested themselves in many areas from the understanding of method in theology to the theory of definition, from the use of evidence to the theories of nature, intellect and soul, most importantly from the notion of the Omnipotent God (al-Fā‘il al-Mukhtār) to the metaphysics of possibility-necessity, and from the cosmology of substance-accident to al-umūr al-‘āmma as the main subject-matter of metaphysics. Finally, the changes in the process that started with al-Ghazālī and evolved with Fakhruddīn al-Rāzī brought theology to the brink of philosophization, and at the end of the process, theology turned into a universal (metaphysical) discipline. This situation naturally led to a convergence between the metaphysical thought and theological thought. It is one thing to say that theology is the most honourable and supreme science, and it is another to reveal that it is universal. In this context, al-Ghazālī declared and substituted the Islamic theology as a religious universal discipline for the first time. Actually, this substitution has a hidden philosophical/metaphysical meaning and message. Al-Ghazālī 's characterisation of theology as a universal science can also be interpreted as a challenge to both the sciences of the field it belongs to and the sciences outside itself, with its disciplinary encompassing and priority for theology. It should not be forgotten that theology, while confronting and coming to terms with philosophy and metaphysics, integrating with the subjects it has taken into the field of study, on the other hand, it has to maintain and protect the religious character it belongs to and represents. (shrink)

Some philosophers of physics recently expressed their skepticism about causation (Norton 2003b, 2007). However, this is not new. The view that causation does not refer to any ontological category perhaps can be attributed to Hume, Kant and Russell. On the other hand, some philosophers (Wesley Salmon and Phil Dowe) view causation as a physical process and some others (Cartwright) view causation as making claims about capacities possessed by objects. The issue about the ontological status of causal claims involves issues concerning (...) the ontological status of capacity, modality and dispositional claims. In this paper, my goal is to show that without engaging metaphysical debates about the ontological status of causal claims, it can be shown that we can objectively assign truth values to these statements. I argue that for causal claims to be objective we don't need to postulate the existence of special facts (specific to causal claims) in addition to ordinary physical facts described by physical theories. This, I think, is enough to justify the usefulness of this concept in certain branches (may be all) of science. Once this is achieved, there is no need to engage in unnecessary metaphysical debates. So, even if advanced physical theories don't mention this notion, causal reasoning can still be important in understanding the world not in the sense that science discovers special ontological category called causation but in the sense that we come to know certain facts about the world. (shrink)